Everyone condemns dynasty but why no one leaves the party

वंशवाद की निंदा तो सभी करते हैं पर कोई दल छोड़ता क्यों नहीं है

Lalu Yadav and Tej Pratap Yadav, dispute in the family for succession

About five decades ago, a film came out – Sagina Mahto! There was a song in it – “Bhole-bhale Lalua kha ja roti basi. Growing up, he will become a peon of Saheb!” The fate of the poor child has been told in this song, that when he grows up, he too will become a laborer or a peon like his father. It was a squid, a satire on the system. In a way, it was being told that even though we are living in a democracy, but only a particular class has occupied the resources. This special class is of those politicians, who have imposed dynasty on power in such a way, due to which all the avenues of development of common man are closed. Now see, everyone condemns this dynasty, but no party, political party, organization and group of officers is untouched by it. Everyone wants to see their sons in their place, then no matter how many tricks they have to do for them. Those sacrificing, dispassionate and stoic leaders during the freedom struggle are no more. Now every Chhutbhaiya leader raises the lamp from his own family.

The fate of G-23 in Congress!

Whenever we discuss dynasty politics in politics, the first finger is pointed at one family. Obviously, that gesture is directed towards Nehru and his daughter Indira Gandhi. Within a few years after the death of the first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, factionalism within the Congress grew so much that his only daughter Indira Gandhi became the Prime Minister of the country. After him, his son Rajiv Gandhi took over the reins of the country and 28 years have passed since his death, but his family is not able to reach the prime minister’s chair even after great efforts, although the Congress party was headed six years after Rajiv Gandhi’s death. Within a year, his wife was found by Sonia Gandhi, and then went to his son Rahul Gandhi. When the Congress was badly defeated in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Rahul Gandhi resigned and parted ways and the president again went to Sonia Gandhi. Now seeing the declining popularity of the Nehru-Gandhi family within the Congress, some old leaders – Ghulam Nabi Azad, Kapil Sibal, Manish Tewari, Anand Sharma etc. talked about change of leadership, it was called G-23 group. But at present this group itself is isolated. Nowadays, the left wing intellectuals are engaged in the task of establishing the face of the family by sweeping them. In this way, it can be said that the Congress party is the property of the Nehru-Gandhi family, so it will not be wrong. But this is not the case only in the Congress party, but the condition of all those political parties, which used to talk about purity, equality and harmony, is also the same within them.

socialist children

The condition of political parties formed on the basis of socialism, equality and upliftment of the backward is such that only the people of their families get tickets in the elections. Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal are examples in Uttar Pradesh, while in Haryana, the fourth generation of Chaudhary Devi Lal is in politics. In Punjab, the Badal family gets major posts in the Akali Dal. Similarly, Lalu Yadav has Rashtriya Janata Dal in Bihar. Maharashtra has Shiv Sena, Karnataka has Janata Dal (S) and Tamil Nadu has DMK. Regional parties are also in power in Andhra, Telangana, Odisha and Bengal. Sooner or later, dynasty will get prominence even here. But the national party Bharatiya Janata Party is no longer untouched by it. Here too, son-daughter-daughter-in-law dominates politics. Anurag Thakur, the son of former Himachal Chief Minister and state BJP leader Prem Kumar Dhumal, emerged during his time. In Uttarakhand also, former Congress Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna is now in the BJP. His son Saket Bahuguna is also active in politics. His sister Rita Bahuguna Joshi is now in BJP, while some time ago she was the chief of Uttar Pradesh Congress. His father Hemvati Nandan Bahuguna has been the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.

Fight from the top, help from the inside

These political people do not hesitate at all to leave the party to further the dynasty. When the BJP did not give ticket to the son of Bhuvanchandra Khanduri, the Chief Minister of Uttarakhand, he left the party and went to the Congress. The status of familialism is equal everywhere. Pramod Mahajan’s daughter Poonam Mahajan, Gopichand Munde’s daughter Pankaja Munde and Sharad Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule have raised flags in Maharashtra. Chief Minister Kamal Nath has been occupied from Chhindwara seat of Madhya Pradesh for the last four decades. In December 2018, when he became the Chief Minister of the state and could not contest the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, he got his son Nakul Nath contested from there. Similarly, Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot had got his son Vaibhav Gehlot a Lok Sabha ticket from Jodhpur. In a way, familialism dominates in every party. The interesting fact is that politicians who attack familialism or dynasty also indirectly protect each other’s family. The best example of this was seen during the Lok Sabha elections in 2019 in Uttar Pradesh, where the Congress refused to contest all seats from where Mulayam Singh Yadav or his family members belonged. In return, the Samajwadi Party also did not field candidates from Amethi and Rae Bareli. Moreover, BJP had also fielded weak candidates from Mainpuri, Azamgarh and Kannauj. Because from here Mulayam Singh Yadav, his son and daughter-in-law are contesting elections respectively. It was a coincidence that Mulayam Singh’s daughter-in-law Dimple Yadav lost the election from Kannauj and Subrata Pathak of BJP won the election, so from what face is the dynasty being attacked?

lack of trust

Actually there is politics, so there will be bets and tricks of the politicians who have captured it. They would never want someone else to sit on the political party and the chair for which they are fighting so hard. That’s why they promote their family. Chaudhary Charan Singh brought his son Ajit Singh back to India from America, and made him a tilak. While Ajit Singh was a computer engineer there, and he was not interested in returning to India at all. But when he came, he also liked politics in such a way that he also handed over the will of politics to his son Jayant Chaudhary. In Jammu and Kashmir, the dynasty of Sheikh Abdullah’s family and Mufti family grew so much that only father-son and father-daughter came in the way of each other many times. The truth is that we may call ourselves democratic and an advocate of equality and giving rights to all, but there is a selfish person sitting inside us, who considers every public resource as his own. Maybe that’s why we behave like a king, and also want to hand over our politics to our sons, because we don’t trust anyone else. In this context the examples of Master Hukum Singh in Haryana, Jitan Ram Manjhi in Bihar can be seen. As well as the coronation of his wife by Lalu Yadav. Then perhaps this mindset can be tested in a better way.

Hukum Singh of Haryana

This story is from 1990. The Janata Dal government was formed at the Centre, then Haryana Chief Minister Chaudhary Devi Lal was made the Deputy Prime Minister. On leaving Haryana, he handed over the chair of the state to his son Omprakash Chautala. But Chautala was not an MLA then, so it was mandatory for him to become an MLA within six months. At that time, Meham was the only seat in Rohtak district, from which Chaudhary Devi Lal was elected MLA for three consecutive times, so Omprakash Chautala intended to fight from here. But from here, Anand Singh Dangi also filed a nomination against him, who till then was the chairman of the Haryana Staff Selection Commission, and also close to Chaudhary Devi Lal. Later she did not get along with Omprakash Chautala. He resigned from the Staff Selection Commission and stood as an independent candidate from Meham. On the other hand, Congress supported him. Due to which this seat of the Devilal family seemed to be going away. Voting was held on 27 February 1990. It is said that Omprakash Chautala did a lot of rigging, the then Election Commission got the voting done again the next day at eight polling stations. There was a lot of violence, and a policeman died, Chautala lost the election. Then Devi Lal made Master Hukum Singh the Chief Minister there. Who was called the puppet chief minister of Chautala. Hukum Singh was the Chief Minister for about one and a half years. But when he stepped down from the chief minister’s post, he rebelled against the Devi Lal family. This made the politicians feel that no matter what happens, the chair of the Chief Minister should be handed over to his own family.

Manjhi of Bihar

Jitan Ram Manjhi was close and trusted to Nitish Kumar in Bihar. He belonged to a very poor family. So he was very polite and gentle. In 2014, when Nitish Kumar’s JDU got only two seats, the then Chief Minister Nitish Kumar resigned, although the legislature party was with him. But he administered the oath of Chief Minister to his trusted minister Jitan Ram Manjhi. He was confident that the day he would say, Jitan Ram Manjhi would hand over the chair to him immediately. But politics is a strange thing. When someone gets addicted to the chair, no one loses it just like that. Ten months later in 2015, when Nitish was under pressure from his party’s MLAs to replace Manjhi and become the chief minister himself, Jitan Ram Manjhi refused. He even started showing eyes to party president Sharad Yadav. Then JDU had to do many inverted postures to remove them. There are many such reasons, due to which the leader sitting on the chair always wants to give this chair to his own family. Due to this fear, not only the regional parties, the national parties are also afraid. They feel that if power is entrusted to anyone, then when the opportunity comes, he will immediately leave the chair for his master, it is not guaranteed.

Lalu’s Rabri!

In 1997, when Bihar Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav was found guilty in the fodder scam, and had to go to jail, instead of handing over his chair to someone else, he handed over his chair to his wife Rabri Devi. Till then Rabri Devi did not even know the ‘a’ ‘b’ ‘c’ of politics. She was only a Class VIII pass, and was the mother of Lalu Yadav’s nine children. That was his only identity. Since Lalu’s sons were very young at that time, he found it better to crown his wife. And after that Rabri Devi not only remained the Chief Minister for three consecutive times but also proved to be an efficient politician. Even if it is called the familyism of Lalu Yadav, but in this way he secured his chair for his family. When he first handed over the chief minister’s post to Rabri, he had declared that after all, every person entrusts his business to his family, so I am also doing the same. By this act of Lalu Prasad, it was decided that now the Lalu family will rule in Bihar, and the same thing happened. Because he had laid down the theorem of taking caste equations in Bihar, which no one else could solve except Lalu. In a way, this was the most disgusting game of familyism in politics, but Lalu Yadav managed to work out his M-Y equation. It is a different matter, that there is discord in his own house at this time.


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